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I've just off campus around 1 35 and began forming up. Okay. Oh, thank you. Wasted no time. Got out of the cars into formation and started walking toward the administration building. Mhm. All right, Right. Okay. Yeah, right, right. It started raining. By the time police arrived

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on campus, it was a small group of officers, fewer than two dozen. But apparently the trouble was caused by a small group of black students who have gone from class to class seeking wider support of the student strike. Some students whose classes were dismissed said they

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heard no threats, and they saw no vandalism. Apparently, though, this was not always the case. What? Nine or 10 black students came in and said that the strike was on and that would we just continue class? They knocked before they come in. And that was it.

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There were no threats, no coercion, no threat. No, not at all. And the class? The prophet asked us if we wanted to leave class and majority of the class said no. And then, uh, black students left, and then we decided to disband in case there was

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going to be any problems. But there was no threats by the black students at all. Were you in a class that was visited? No, I was not like I say. When the fire alarm went off, my class was dismissed, and as I walked towards passed another

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class. A group of them went into this class, and so I sort of stayed around and see what was happening. And they told the teacher to get out, and they literally threatened to drag him out into the halls, and they knocked over the podium and kicked

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over a few chairs. At that time I left must have been close to one when the trouble first began. Why students supporting the BS you strike were rallying on the Commons in front of the students, unnoticed by most, several small groups of black students made their

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way to the classroom buildings quietly to talk with those who were ignoring the call for a walk out. The white students rallying at the plaza marched to the administration building for a confrontation with President Smith. Yeah, by 2 45 most of the buildings

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have been cleared and locked, and President Smith talked with news men. He said there were no reports of injuries or of arrests, though disciplinary action against the black student union is now under consideration. We've just closed the campus as you're aware and, uh, have about completed,

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uh, urging people to get off the campus. And and, uh, the purpose in closing it was to protect the safety of the people on the campus from a variety of widespread activities that were frightening people and disrupting classes and instruction. We got word enough from the

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various deans and our campus police shortly after one o'clock that what we thought was to have been a peaceful strike had developed into patterns of widespread disruption. And we had enough evidence we thought too. Call the police on campus. We're in the process right now trying

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to organized the information about the individuals involved and about the extent of the problem on the campus. And we didn't want to keep you waiting for the rest of the afternoon. And so we'll be we'll continue to work and trying to determine what steps are necessary

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for tomorrow. It's racism. All right. Okay. Doors were founded on and classes were interrupted and people felt intimidated. Both faculty and students that equipment was thrown around. We've had two or three minor fires on the campus, can

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canvass racism and canvas races and have this racism and captains racism, man, campus racing. And it's cold and it's wet out here today. Classes have not met since the academic program was shut down Wednesday following a clash between students and police. But appearances to the contrary,

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the campuses fire from deserted before leaving for Los Angeles. In an emergency meeting of the trustees, President Smith suggested that all the students and all the faculty members meet in regular class today to discuss the continuing crisis that has wracked the San Francisco state campus were

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well over a year, and many of them are here doing just That was almost exactly a year ago that the unrest, which continues to hamper the educational process at state and finally forced its closing first came to public attention. A group of students unhappy with stories

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in the student newspaper critical of the black students union invaded the papers office and beat up its editor. One of those involved in the incident was Black Panther George Murray, so today is still a student at ST and a part time member of the faculty. Though

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now on temporary suspension. Murray's current status, though a focal point in the crisis, is misunderstood by most people outside the academic community. He has not been fired, and his suspension, pending the outcome of an investigation of his activities outside the classroom, is with full pay. The

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actions under question include counseling black students to carry guns. The faculty position on the Murray issue also seems to be misunderstood. Obviously, with 1400 full and part time instructors, there is no single voice which speaks for all. But there does appear to be near unanimity, among

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the majority that the handling of the Murray case jeopardizes campus autonomy and endangers that hard to define concept of academic freedom. Since Murray's credentials and the quality of his teaching have never been questioned, they feel his suspension was on the basis of his political views as

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a Black panther. The faculty vote last week to censure Chancellor Glenn Donkey and demand his resignation reflects a widely held feeling that donkey, by going over the head of President Smith and demanding Murray's immediate suspension, acted arbitrarily and dictatorial. E. In response to political pressure, the

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consensus is that if Murray violated the law, he should be dealt with by the law for the specific violation. If he was guilty of conduct unbecoming a teacher or violating his contract of employment, that matter should have been dealt with through normal campus machinery and not

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by executive Fiat, bypassing due process to the Black Student Union. The reinstatement of Murray, though an emotional issue, is but one of 10 demands, which include a great expansion and a speed up and development of a practically non existent Department of Black studies. The demands also

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included mission of all black students who apply to the college regardless of qualifications, and almost complete student control in the selection of curriculum and faculty. There is general agreement among members of the academic community about most of the suggested ideas for curriculum enrichment, but other BS

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you demands are in serious question. Some of them would be impossible to enact without action by the Legislature and changes in the law. Chancellor Donkey is estimated it would take over $300,000 just to implement the acceptable suggestions, and the money isn't there. Among the student body,

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the vocal majority seemed to agree with the faculty that Murray suspension was unjustified, or at least improperly handled, and that it was politically inspired. They, like the faculty, support expansion of ethnic oriented class offerings. But an overwhelming majority of the students and the faculty members also

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agree that violence, threats, coercion and vandalism cannot be allowed to continue disrupting the learning process and must be ended. The interesting dichotomy here is the equally strong objection of students and faculty to the presence of police on campus. To prevent this from happening, many on campus

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feel that the real irritant which prevents the healing of the wounds and the resolution of differences, is an extremely small group of white student radicals who see the campus is the perfect battleground on which to attack the establishment, attaching themselves to the legitimate areas of social

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concern, distorting and irritating for the sake of disruption. In this case stressing the racial aspects of the BS you demands and ridiculing the legitimate academic questions raised about the validity of some of them, charging that the inherent slowness and making orderly change in a democracy is

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a racist smokescreen purposely erected by the white establishment, which incidentally seems to include everyone who disagrees with them. Perhaps some students are politically naive, easily led by promises of early, simplistic solutions to extremely complex problems. Some faculty members seem to suffer from this same malady, and

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a few prominent political figures also seem to miss the nuances in these campus situations. The overwhelming majority of the students, though, that oft unquoted silent majority are apparently most interested in getting an education and have to a large degree ignored the political ferment. No complaining from

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time to time about the disruption of classes. Samplings do indicate that a large percentage of them feel there is a real need for more course offerings that are relevant to the pressing social problems of our time and the irony of large expenditures for physical education and

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what they consider to be intellectual basket weaving. When financing for ethnic studies is unavailable. Lately, a few have broken their silence, but only a few. The faculty deplores the violence, deplores the disruption of classes and what they feel is unwarranted outside interference in academic affairs on

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this campus. To these two groups of faculty and the students, it might be well to consider the slogan of the strikers If you're not part of the solution, you're part of the problem. This could provide some very nourishing food for thought. But to the strikers and

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those who have been engaged in the violence, it might be well to remember that slogan can be reversed. It's very difficult to be a part of the solution as long as you remain part of the problem. This is Claude Man, reporting from San Francisco State.