1966

The Negro Student Association is renamed the Black Students Union, establishing the first BSU in the nation. The change represents a step towards deeper political awareness and action. BSU members also develop a “Black Arts and Cultural Series” coordinated by Marianna Waddy. It is offered through the Experimental College, a project established in 1965 with credit courses designed and taught by students. The series features topics such as Black psychology, the role of Black writers in the revolution, and the significance of Black Power. 

The BSU submits A Proposal to Initiate an Institute of Black Studies at San Francisco State College to the Instructional Policies Committee and receives a favorable response. However, the Council of Academic Deans (CAD) ask if Negro American Studies is a more appropriate title and express concern that the BSU might be anti-Semitic because of their expressed support for the Palestinian struggle against Israel.

White progressive students establish the SFSC chapter of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Their primary focus is opposition to the Vietnam War and shutting down the campus Air Force ROTC program.

In the fall, Dr. John Summerskill becomes the seventh president of SFSC. 

1967 SPRING SEMESTER

A conservative slate called Shape-Up captures leadership of the Associated Students and wrecks havoc on BSU-led and other progressive programs by cutting their budgets. They accuse the BSU of reverse racism, misuse of funds, and threats of violence, taking their complaints to the California State Colleges Board of Trustees. A committee sent to investigate the BSU finds nothing to support the charges. 

Students establish Open Process magazine, an alternative campus publication with an aim to report on the social-ethical-moral-chemical revolution.

The SDS disrupts Pres. John Summerskill's inauguration ceremony, shouting "military off campus." Later, 60 students hold a sit-in outside Summerskill's office and successfully pressure him to stop providing students academic standing to the Selective Service Office. Students with lower grades were often targeted for recruitment. By summer, SDS wins draft deferments for full-time students.

(photographs by Harvey Yorke)

1967 FALL SEMESTER

On Nov. 6, a fight breaks out when BSU members visit the Gater office to talk with editor Jim Vaszko about stories they deemed derogatory, including a column spoofing Muhammad Ali's refusal to serve in the Vietnam war. 

Vaszko gets in trouble when he writes an inflamatory editorial in the Nov. 10 Gater, stating that he sent a letter to the Carnegie Foundation urging them to block a large grant intended for service programs, including the Experimental College, and for the BSU, who planned to use the funds to develop a Black Studies curriculum. 

On Nov. 18, several BSU members are suspended for the Gater incident. On Nov. 28, two Open Process writers are suspended after publishing content deemed offensive because of sexual connotations.

The BSU and SDS form the Movement Against Political Suspensions (MAPS) to demand immediate reversal of the suspensions. They submit their demands to administrators with a deadline to respond. When they hear nothing, a thousand people surround the administration building. Several crawl through a broken glass door to occupy the building. Pres. Summerskill closes the campus.

The Trustees hold an emergency meeting on Dec. 9, where they reprimand and threaten to fire Summerskill for not calling the police. He avoids being fired when the faculty votes to support him. Chancellor Glenn Dumke promises Gov. Reagan that force will be met by force and requests an additional $100,000 to supplement campus police across the system. 

Several ethnic student organizations are established during this academic year. They include the Mexican-American Student Confederation; the Asian American Political Alliance; the Intercollegiate Chinese for Social Action; the Latin American Student Organization;  El Renacimieto, and the Pilipino American Collegiate Endeavor. They become active in their communities, doing recruitment efforts and setting up free tutorial programs.

1968 FEBRUARY 29

The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) is established when leaders from the ethnic student organizations convene a summit meeting to discuss their shared goal of educational self-determination. They unite on three demands: 1) The establishment of a Third World Studies program, 2) an increase in special admission slots, and 3) permanent retention of faculty of color.

Daily Gator, March 1, 1968

1968 SPRING SEMESTER

The TWLF forms a strategic alliance with SDS and unites on four demands. They  organize a teach-in at the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC) office,  a college program that aims to prepare student to become officers in the U.S. military.

Pres. Summerskill hires Dr. Nathan Hare to develop and lead the Black Studies Program.

In preparation for the student government elections, the TWLF and SDS form the Community Action slate. They successfully capture control of the Associated Students from the conservative Shape-Up bloc. The AS budget is $400,000.

1968 MAY 21-24

On May 21, the TWLF/SDS coalition holds a rally after which 200 students stage a sit-in at the administration building. At 10pm Pres. Summerskill calls the SFPD. The Tactical Squad, San Francisco Police Department's paramilitary unit, arrives and removes the students from the building then launches an attack on the crowd outside. Dozens of people are injured with 12 hospitalized. It is the first major incident of police violence.

The next day 400 students re-occupy the administration building. To prevent further violence, faculty meet and pass a resolution calling on the president to establish an "open campus" policy for 24-hours to eliminate the legal basis for calling in the police. Summerskill agrees.

On the third day, 600 students join the sit-in. By the end of the day, Summerskill agrees to three of the demands: 1) a 1-unit summer orientation course for Third World high schools students, opening the door for their enrollment; 2) creation of nine new faculty positions with the TWLF participating in the selection; and 3) the retention of Prof. Juan Martinez. On the ROTC issue, Summerskill agrees to respect the results of a student and faculty referendum to be held next week. The Board of Trustees is livid with Summerskill for giving in to the demands.

On the fourth day of the sit-in, Chancellor Dumke tells Summerskill to resign immediately. An interim administration is put in place composed of VP Donald Garrity, Dean of Students Fred Reddell, and Administrative VP Glenn Smith. They immediately reverse the campus “open policy,” announce that the ROTC referedum will not be held, and order students to evacuate the administration building by 10pm.  Two dozen students volunteer to remain behind but there is no police involvement this time.

1968 MAY 27

On the following Monday, the TWLF/SDS Coalition organizes a “mill-in” with 800 students entering the administration building and standing around, disrupting office functioning.

The Board of Trustees appoints Dr. Robert R. Smith as the new SFSC president. He is the chair of the college's education department and is considered a liberal.

1968 FALL SEMESTER

On Sept. 13, Pres. Smith issues a memo creating a Black Studies Department, but with no resources it is a department in name only.

BSU member George Murray is hired as a lecturer to teach an introductory English class for special admit students. During the summer, he travels to Cuba to give a speech at an international convention while the island is under a travel ban for U.S. citizens. This event, and the fact that he is now the Minister of Education for the Black Panther Party causes concern for the trustees who direct Pres. Smith to assign him to a non-teaching position. Smith declined as it violates due process. Instead he orders an investigation of Murray.

On Oct. 24, Murray gives a speech in Fresno where the trustees are meeting. It is titled The Necessity of a Black Revolution. Chancellor Dumke orders Pres. Smith to suspend Murray, which he does on Nov. 1.

Frustrated with the slow pace of Black Studies and special admissions, the BSU announces a strike for Wed. Nov. 6. 

1968 NOVEMBER 6

By the time the strike begins on Wednesday, Nov. 6, the other organizations of the TWLF have united with the BSU on 15 non-negotiable demands. A large picket line forms at 19th and Holloway Avenues. The Tactical Squad reappear on campus that afternoon.

Sixty-five members of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) local 1352 form the Ad Hoc Faculty Committee  and join the picket line in support of the students.

1968 NOVEMBER 11 - 12

When students return after the three-day Veteran’s Day weekend, the campus resembles a military camp, with hundreds of police officers and the Tactical Squad standing at the ready while a police helicopter hovers overhead.

The TWLF change their tactics to focus on educational endeavors, forming teams that set out across campus to conduct roving “teach-ins.”

At an afternoon rally, when the Tactical Squad begins shoving and beating people indiscriminately, the crowd swells to 2,000 people respond by throwing rocks and chanting “Pigs off campus!” 

That evening, Pres. Smith opts to close campus indefinitely, noting that the decision to involve the police caused violent confrontation and injury. He is attacked by the Board of Trustees and Gov. Reagan, who says, if necessary, the National Guard will be called in.

1968 NOVEMBER 18 - 22

The trustees call an emergency meeting on Nov. 18 to discuss the crisis. During discussion of the Black Studies program a few trustees raise questions about the concept, calling it "inherently racist," because it is based on principles of segregation, and Black Power propaganda. They also pass a resolution calling for immediate disciplinary action against disrupters, ban any negotiations of the demands, and order Pres. Smith to reopen campus. 

At SFSC, a faculty committee finds that Prof. George Murray was suspended without due process. Seven hundred faculty members pass a motion calling for Chancellor Dumke’s resignation.

On Nov. 20, 2,000 students and faculty attend a convocation to discuss the campus situation with a panel composed of administrators and TWLF representatives. Joseph White, the dean of undergraduate Studies and a Black man remarks, "I feel more education has gone on here since the strike started than the whole six years I was a student here." 

On the second day of the convocation students push for closure of the campus until the 15 demands are resolved. When Pres. Smith gives a rambling response, the TWLF representatives walk out to chants of "On Strike! Shut it Down!" 

The Tactical Squad begins beating and arresting people, firing guns over the crowd. With police violence in full swing, Pres. Smith calls off classes. When the clashes continue the next day, faculty members meet and vote for a three-day convocation with classes canceled and police removed. President Smith reluctantly agrees.

1968 NOVEMBER 25 - 30

On Nov. 25, Gov. Reagan holds a press coference condemning Smith and stating that the convocation will not happen. Max Rafferty, State Superintendent of Public Instruction, adds "If I were President of San Francisco State, there would be a lot less students, a lot less faculty, and a lot more law and order!"

On Nov. 26, the convocation opens with TWLF leader Roger Alvarado reading his notice of suspension. Angry over the continued suspension of students the TWLF walks out.

Pres. Smith resigns and the trustees appoint Dr. Samuel Ichiye Hayakawa as acting president. He has criticized the accusations of racism and blasted white students and faculty who support the TWLF. As his first act, on Nov. 30 he declares a "state of  emergency" and says that the campus will reopen on Monday.

1968 DECEMBER 2 - 3

On Dec. 2, the TWLF park a truck with amplified sound at 19th and Holloway where they urge people to support the strike. Determined to reopen campus, Hayakawa jumps upon the truck and pulls the wires out of the sound sytem. 

On Dec. 3, when members of  the Strike Support Committee establish picket lines at building entryways, Hayakawa orders the police to disperse them. The students run from the baton-swinging Tactical Squad.

At a noontime rally prominent representatives from Bay Area Black communities speak to a crowd of 2,500 people articulating their support for the demands. The Tactical Squad, with support from California Highway Patrolmen, surround the crowd and begin beating people. By the end of the day, there are numerous arrests and countless people injured. The day becomes known as "Bloody Tuesday."

When asked his opinion on violence, President Hayakawa says "This has been the most exciting day of my life since my tenth birthday, when I rode on a roller coaster for the first time!"

That evening the Ad Hoc Faculty Committee pushes AFT members to seek a formal strike sanction from the San Francisco Labor Council. 

1968 DECEMBER 4 - 5

On Dec. 4, Hayakawa pays a visit to the Sun Reporter office, San Francisco's oldest newspaper serving the Black community, where he meets with over 20 community members. He talks about his life in Chicago and his cordial relationship with the Black community until he is interrupted by activist Eloise Westbrooke who states that they are not interested in his "glowing self-appraisal." Instead they want to know what he plans to do about the 15 demands and insist that he remove the police from campus.

According to the Sun Reporter, Dr. Goodlett tells him that, "if necessary, the Black community will go to the campus and stand as a barrier between the police and the students." Calling the gathering a "lynch mob," Hayakawa storms out.

That afternoon church members, the NAACP, the Congress for Racial Equality, and Black Panther Party members arrive on campus and speak to a crowd of thousands. With 600 police positioned on rooftops and across campus, Hayakawa uses the public address system to tell peple they are in violation of his emergency decree. To avoid violence, the crowd disperses.

On Dec. 5, the Council of Academic Deans send a memo to Hayakawa confirming that the Black Studies Department will be immediately implemented with full faculty power commensurate with other departments and the requested 11.3  faculty positions.

1968 DECEMBER 6 - 9

On Dec. 6, Hayakawa makes an offer to the BSU. He agrees to establish a Black Studies Department under the leadership of Prof. Nathan Hare, commits to 128 special admission slots for the spring semester, and agrees to appoint a Third World associate director to the financial aid office. However, the BSU see it as a tactic to divide the TWLF and they reject his offer.

That evening over 300 Japanese-American students and community members gather at the United Christ Presbyterian Church. They declare that S.I. Hayakawa does not speak for nor represent the views of their community. They deliver a letter to the Sun Reporter stating "we see the appointment of Dr. Hayakawa, because he is a member of a minority group...as an attempt by state officials to confuse the issues and prevent serious considerations of the relevant questions raised by the students."

On December 9, the SF Labor Council grants strike sanction to AFT local 1352.

1968 DECEMBER 12 - 13

Mounted police arrive on campus. The S.F. Chronicle reports that 88 people were arrested during Hayakawa's first week as president.

On Dec. 12, a newly formed caucus of Black policemen called Officers for Justice declare their support for the TWLF, stating that they deplore the tactics being used by white policemen against students and the carnival spirit and glee of police and sheriff departments within a 100 mile radius of San Francisco who now beg to have their policemen permitted to get 'riot training' experience on the heads of San Francisco State College students.

On Dec. 13, Hayakawa closes campus one week early for the holidays.

1969 JANUARY

Several leaders from the Black, Asian and Latin communities come together to form an umbrella organization called the Community Conference to Support the San Francisco State Strike.

Gov. Reagan vows that the campus will remain open "at the point of a bayonet if necessary.” The California State Employee Association, with 115,000 members, says it will not honor the AFT picket line.

Hayakawa announces new campus regulations, declaring that all on-campus protest activity is forbidden and all unauthorized people are banned from entering the grounds. He posts a warning sign at 19th and Holloway. Of the college's fifty-seven departments, 22 chairs refuse to provide the administration with teacher attendance records. 

The TWLF organizes a “book-in” asking students to check out as many books as they can and then immediately deposit them in the book return. Hundreds of students participate, overwhelming the system and the library is closed.

1969 JANUARY 6 - 13

January 6-13 is designated “National Week of Solidarity with S.F. State” and support comes from around the Bay Area. One morning, 3,000 people march in a mammoth picket line that surrounds the entire campus.

AFT Local 1352 begins their labor strike Monday, Jan. 6. While the TWLF welcomes their support, it is clear that they are engaged in two different strikes. Where faculty demands are focused on pay equity, more administrative autonomy, and lower teaching loads, the TWLF demands center on seizing power from the institution and the establishment of an autonomous School of Ethnic Studies run exclusively by Third World students, faculty, and community members.

The strike sanction clears the way for organized labor to get involved. Support pours in from the Painters Union; International Longshoremen's and Warehouseman's Union; American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME); Social Workers Union; Teamsters Local 9; and other AFT locals.

Hayakawa threatens to bring in substitutes, called scabs by the union, to cross the picket line and teach class. Chancellor Dumke announces that faculty failing to teach their classes for five days will be immediately fired. The AFT declares that it will shut down all 19 California State College campuses if one striking AFT member at SFSC is fired. 

On Jan. 7, during his State of the State address, Gov. Reagan calls for tougher legal penalties against "criminal anarchists and latter day fascists" on California campuses. He adds that he will seek stricter laws to punish campus trespassing, to dismiss striking teachers, and to expel activist students. 

1969 JANUARY 23

When nearly 1,000 people gather at the speakers platform, an announcement over the public address system states that they are in violation of a ban on campus rallies and they need to disperse or face arrest.

Instead, the crowd chants “All power to the people!” Over the next three hours, the police arrest 435 people, including Prof. Nathan Hare, chairman of Black Studies, and faculty from San Jose State, Fresno State, UC Davis and UC Berkeley. It is the single biggest mass arrest in San Francisco history.

Administrators, city officials, and state politicians launch a new strategy to break the strike through legal maneuvers. TWLF leaders are given abnormally high bail amounts. The next day, Pres. Hayakawa speaks at the SF Commonwealth Club claiming a victory for arresting so many.

The SFSC strike inspires support and protest activities across the nation. Protesters confront Pres. Hayakawa wherever he travels.

1969 FEBRUARY

Sympathetic lawyers establish the San Francisco State Legal Committee to coordinate legal defense and to raise $70,000 for bail. The constant legal harassment incapacitates the TWLF leadership. Roger Alvarado is sentenced to 100 days. Nesbit Crutchfield is jailed for arson. And after a “routine” traffic stop, George Murray is jailed on a concealed weapon charges and sentenced to 6 months, despite his claim that the gun was planted.

Assemblyman Don Muford threatens Superior Court judges with financial opposition during their reelection if they are too lenient with student demonstrators. 

Due to an investigation by the state attorney general, the Associated Student funds are seized.

On Feb. 17, Pres. Hayakawa issues a memo to EOP stipulating that any staffer arrested during strike activities is ineligible for campus employment. Shortly afterwards, he suspends the entire staff until a “high level review” can be conducted. EOP Director Reginald Major manages to keep the program running without financial support through spring. 

1969 SPRING SEMESTER

President Hayakawa establishes a President's Select Committee that is authorizated to meet and negotiate with TWLF representatives on his behalf. At the first meeting with the Select Committee, the TWLF presents a "Preconditions for Peace Talks" document.

On Mar. 1, the administration informs striking faculty that if they fail to return to work on Monday they will be fired. The labor strike ends with members voting 122 to 104 to accept the settlement. Faculty report to their classrooms on Monday, but many continue to support the students and walk the picket line.

The Community Conference to Support the San Francisco State Strike has 150 organizational members, including groups from Richmond and Oakland. It creates a trade union subcommittee to win over rank and file workers, build the picket line, and increase pressure on elected officials. 

In March, state elected officials revise Title 5 of the State Education Code, taking control of Associated Students funds out of student’s hands. As a result, Open Process and Daily Gater are forced to suspend publication. 

1969 MARCH 21

The student strike ends on Friday, March 21, when the TWLF and the Select Committee agree to a settlement. The major victory is the establishment of a School of Ethnic Studies. Other wins include12 full-time Black professors; a Bachelor's degree in Black Studies; thousands of special admit slots; a Black co-director of financial aid; and amnesty for most of the arrested students.

Problems with the settlement arise when Hayakawa issues a memo about "misunderstandings and misinterpretation" of certain sections of the agreement. The BSU issues a statement on Hayakawa stalling the resolution.

1969 MAY AND JUNE

On May 19, the TWLF makes a call to mobilze people to City Hall to support the people remaining on trial. Over the course of the strike, over 700 people were arrested. The trials last nearly a year and backlog the San Francisco civil court system.

In June, three Black administrators - -EOP Director Reginald Major; Dean of Student Activities Elmer Cooper, and Dean of Undergraduate Studies Joseph White -- resign in protest.  One of them states that President Hayakawa is "the biggest single disaster that non-white people at San Francisco State College have ever experienced."

1969 FALL SEMESTER

The School of Ethnic Studies begins offering classes in September.  It becomes a new ground for student activism with programs based on political engagement and academic scholarship. President Hayakawa opposes the school's efforts to link campus with community and to bridge theory and action.

THANK YOU

This exhibit is largely informed by Strike! A Chronology, Bibliography, and List of Archival Materials Concerning the 1968-1969 Strike at San Francisco State College produced by archivist Helene Whitson.

And from the writings and research of Dr. Jason Ferreira of SFSU's Race and Resistance Department.